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South Asia Youth Dialogue Forum

When discussions about Afghanistan emerge in international newspapers, they are often

framed as debates about women's rights. Statistics are cited. Restrictions are listed.

Statements are condemned. The conversation usually ends there. Yet there is something

deeply misleading about treating the exclusion of Afghan women solely as a women's issue.


It is an Afghan issue.


A country's future is determined by the skills, knowledge, labour, and creativity of its people.

Every nation, whether rich or poor, relies on human capital—the collective abilities of its

citizens for simple things like to build hospitals, educate children, start businesses, conduct

research, and drive economic growth. When a government prevents half of its population

from participating in these activities, it is dismantling one of the most important resources

any nation possesses.


The tragedy unfolding in Afghanistan is therefore larger than the story of women being

denied opportunities. It is the story of a country voluntarily weakening itself.

To begin with, the most immediate and visible consequence of Afghanistan's restrictions on

women can be seen in its classrooms. Since the Taliban's return to power, millions of girls

have been denied access to secondary and higher education. For many, their last day of

school arrived without warning. One day they were studying mathematics, literature, and

science, imagining futures as doctors, teachers, journalists, or engineers; the next, they were

told that those futures no longer belonged to them. There is something profoundly cruel

about asking a child to dream, encouraging her to work towards those dreams, and then

informing her that her ambitions are invalid not because of her ability, effort, or character, but because of her gender.


Yet if the moral injustice of this policy is not enough to command our attention, its

consequences for Afghanistan's future certainly should. This is not simply a human rights

crisis; it is one of the largest acts of human capital destruction occurring anywhere in the

world today. Education is the mechanism through which societies create skilled workers,

productive citizens, innovators, and leaders. When a girl remains in school, she acquires

knowledge, develops specialised skills, and increases her future earning potential. Those

skills then enter the labour force, contribute to businesses, strengthen public institutions, and generate economic growth. However, when millions of girls are denied education

simultaneously, this process breaks down at a national scale. A nation that excludes millions

of students from classrooms today does not simply lose years of education; it loses decades

of innovation, expertise, and economic potential. Afghanistan is therefore not only denying

opportunities to individual girls. It is systematically shrinking its own future workforce,

weakening its own institutions, and limiting its own capacity for development. In attempting to restrict the aspirations of women, it is ultimately restricting the aspirations of the nation itself.


More importantly, if education represents the theft of women's futures, healthcare represents the theft of their lives. The restrictions imposed on Afghan women do not end when a classroom door closes; they follow women into hospitals, maternity wards, and emergency rooms. In Afghanistan, cultural norms often mean that women are far more likely to seek care from female healthcare professionals, particularly for reproductive and maternal health. This reality makes the Taliban's restrictions uniquely destructive. When girls are prevented from pursuing higher education, fewer women become doctors, nurses, and midwives. When fewer women enter these professions, fewer women receive medical care. What begins as an educational restriction therefore evolves into a healthcare crisis. The scale of this crisis is already becoming apparent. In 2026, UNICEF warned that Afghanistan could lose up to 5,400 female healthcare workers by 2030 if current restrictions on girls' education and women's employment continue. The same analysis projected the loss of thousands more women professionals across critical sectors. It does not merely mean that 5,400 women will be denied careers. It means millions of future patients will lose access to medical professionals they desperately need.


This is simply because healthcare systems do not emerge overnight; they are built through

years of training. A doctor who treats a patient in 2035 must first be a student in 2026. By

restricting girls' education, Afghanistan is not merely reducing the number of women in

schools today, it is reducing the number of healthcare workers available years into the future.

Every cohort of girls denied education creates a corresponding gap in the country's future

medical workforce. The effects are delayed, but they are cumulative and extraordinarily

difficult to reverse.


This extends far beyond staffing shortages. When there are fewer female healthcare

professionals, women delay seeking treatment. Conditions that could have been addressed

early become life-threatening. Maternal complications become more dangerous. Preventive

healthcare declines. Vaccination rates suffer. Child health outcomes worsen. Researchers

examining maternal and child healthcare in Afghanistan have identified restrictions on

women's education and mobility as key factors reducing the availability of female healthcare

providers and limiting mothers' access to care. In other words, the damage does not stop

with women themselves; it spreads to children, families, and entire communities.At a time

when the country requires every available source of economic growth, it has chosen to

remove millions of potential contributors from the formal economy. The decision is not merely socially restrictive; it is economically self-defeating.


Supporters of such restrictions often present them as measures to preserve culture or social

order. Yet history suggests that societies are strongest when they expand opportunities

rather than restrict them. The rapid development of countries across Asia, Europe, and North

America was not driven by excluding talent but by mobilising it. Progress occurred when

more people were able to contribute, not fewer.


Additionally, understand that governments are often imagined as institutions of power, but at their core they are institutions of information. Their ability to solve problems depends on their ability to understand the populations they govern, identify societal needs, and design policies that respond effectively to those needs. When women are excluded from public life,

policymaking bodies, and decision-making processes, governments lose access to the

experiences, expertise, and perspectives of half the population.


This matters because women and men frequently experience public policy differently.

Consider healthcare, education, transportation, employment, or family welfare. Women often encounter challenges that men do not directly experience, particularly in societies where gender roles shape daily life. Because women are excluded from decision-making, policies often fail to address their needs. Because those policies fail, women become further

marginalised. And because they are increasingly marginalised, their ability to influence future

decisions diminishes even further.


The costs of this exclusion are ultimately borne by the entire nation. A country facing

economic hardship, humanitarian challenges, and complex social problems cannot afford to

discard talent. Every capable administrator, policymaker, legal expert, educator, or

community leader removed from public life represents not only a loss for women, but a loss

for Afghanistan's ability to govern itself effectively. Nations succeed when they draw upon

the widest possible pool of talent and experience. They struggle when they voluntarily

narrow it. By excluding women from public life, Afghanistan is not simply silencing half its

population; it is governing with half the knowledge, half the talent, and half the perspective

available to it.


None of this is to suggest that the rights of Afghan women should be defended only because doing so benefits the economy. Human dignity does not require economic justification. Women deserve access to education, employment, and public life because they are human beings entitled to the same freedoms and opportunities as men.


However, focusing solely on rights risks obscuring the scale of what Afghanistan is losing.

This is not simply a story about injustice toward women. It is a story about a nation reducing

its own capacity to heal the sick, educate the young, grow its economy, and solve its most

pressing challenges.


The world's attention often focuses on what Afghan women have been denied. That attention is justified. Yet another question deserves equal consideration: what has Afghanistan denied itself?


A country can recover from war. It can rebuild roads, repair buildings, and restore

infrastructure. Recovering lost human potential is far more difficult. Every year that talented

girls remain outside classrooms, every year that capable women remain outside workplaces,

and every year that opportunities remain closed is a year of talent that cannot easily be

replaced. The exclusion of women is therefore not merely a social policy. It is a development

strategy in reverse. It is the deliberate reduction of a nation's own possibilities.


And that may prove to be Afghanistan's greatest loss of all.

 
 
 

Poverty alleviation has been a major point of discussion over the past few months. This is as Artificial Intelligence (AI)  is expected to raise unemployment causing more people to plunge into poverty. Furthermore, various proponents of Universal Basic Income (UBI) have also changed their views on it after seeing the rise in AI. 


With regard to this, SAYDF organized a discussion on various ways to reduce poverty. This is relevant given that global poverty reduction has now slowed to a standstill after India and China drastically decreased the number of people under the poverty line. Some of the ideas presented in this discussion were support for UBI, skill training, and eliminating extreme poverty. Proponents of UBI highlighted that it helps reduce poverty by providing a stable source of income that can be relied upon even in times of crisis. They stated that this helps address the root cause of poverty as people usually enter poverty due to the source of income being erratic. At the same time opponents of UBI highlighted how UBI places a very high burden on the government and that all the promised cash may not reach the beneficiaries due to corruption. Others stated that skill training workshops for the poor can help reduce poverty without this burden on the government. The government can provide vocational training and workshops focused on skills relevant in a world surrounded by AI. They argued that through this the government will have satisfied its duty to its citizens and now it is upon the citizens to use the skills taught to their advantage. However, a small group of students argued that people don’t always behave rationally, thus this tactic may not be successful in every case. They instead suggested that poverty alleviation be approached in a mathematical way. They stated that an analysis should be done to identify the distance between poor peoples income and the poverty line and that much money should be allotted to poverty alleviation programs. This way spending on poverty alleviation will be minimised while having maximum impact. 


This discussion highlighted how there is no one right approach to simple issues like poverty alleviation, with each approach having its own set of challenges in addition to its pros and cons. 


Links to further interest


 
 
 
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© 2024 by Veda Kalra. 

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